Dead Presidents

Historical facts, thoughts, ramblings and collections on the Presidency and about the Presidents of the United States.

By Anthony Bergen
E-Mail: bergen.anthony@gmail.com
Recent Tweets @Anthony_Bergen
Posts tagged "Presidential History"
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Ed Ames with the "Hello Dolly" Male Chorus

In 1964, a familiar refrain during the Presidential campaign was “Hello, Lyndon!”, a version of the title song from that year’s popular Broadway hit, “Hello, Dolly!”, sung here by Ed Ames.  It was a happy time for Lyndon Johnson, who had been thrust into the White House under tragic circumstances in November 1963 with the assassination of John F. Kennedy.  One year later, LBJ was elected President of the United States in his own right, routing Republican nominee Barry Goldwater in one of the biggest electoral and popular vote landslides in American history.

Four years later, many things had changed — both positively and negatively.  But on March 31, 1968, the lyrics of “Hello, Lyndon!” were far from President Johnson’s mind.  That night, at the end of a televised speech from the Oval Office in which Johnson announced an unconditional halt to the bombing of North Vietnam in order to help find a path towards a peace settlement, LBJ stunned the nation, other politicians, many members of his family, and most of his White House staff.  With a campaign for another term as President beginning, instead of singing “Hello, Lyndon!” as in 1964, the bombastic Texan who had spent his life loving, needing, and mastering the use of power looked across his desk into the television cameras that beamed his images into millions of American homes — and Lyndon said good-bye.

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There was an ugly mood in the country in 1968 with protests against the unpopular Vietnam War, racial and civil unrest in many cities around the nation, and debates and disruptions on college campuses often turning violent.  Crime rates were rising, rioting was breaking out, and the situation would worsen less than a week after Johnson’s announcement when Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated in Memphis.  The United States was at war in Vietnam, but there was also a war of sorts within the country’s borders, and LBJ addressed that divisiveness in his March 31st speech as he shifted from the change in Vietnam policy to the personal decision he had come to:

The ultimate strength of our country and our cause will lie not in powerful weapons or infinite resources or boundless wealth, but will lie in the unity of our people.

This I believe very deeply.

Throughout my entire public career I have followed the personal philosophy that I am a free man, an American, a public servant, and a member of my party, in that order always and only.  For 37 years in the service of our Nation, first as a Congressman, as a Senator, and as Vice President, and now as your President, I have put the unity of the people first.  I have put it ahead of any divisive partisanship.

And in these times as in times before, it is true that a house divided against itself by the spirit of faction, of party, of region, of religion, of race, is a house that cannot stand.

There is division in the American house now.  There is divisiveness among us all tonight.  And holding the trust that is mine, as President of all the people, I cannot disregard the peril to the progress of the American people and the hope and the prospect of peace for all peoples.

So, I would ask all American, whatever their personal interests or concern, to guard against divisiveness and all its ugly consequences.

Then LBJ recalled the afternoon that an assassin’s bullet elevated him to the Presidency, along with the achievements that his Administration and Congress accomplished for the American people, particularly in the first two years of his time in the White House as Johnson tried to lead the nation to realize his “Great Society”:

Fifty-two months and 10 days ago, in a moment of tragedy and trauma, the duties of this office fell upon me.  I asked then for your help and God’s, that we might continue America on its course, binding up our wounds, healing our history, moving forward in new unity, to clear the American agenda and to keep the American commitment for all our people.

United we have kept that commitment.  United we have enlarged that commitment.

Through all time to come, I think America will be a stronger nation, a more just society, and a land of greater opportunity and fulfillment because of what we have all done together in these years of unparalleled achievement.  Our reward will come in the life of freedom, peace, and hope that our children will enjoy through ages ahead.

What we won when all of our people united just must not now be lost in suspicion, distrust, selfishness, and politics among any of our people.

Three years earlier, Americans were amazed and some — including Martin Luther King, Jr. — were moved to tears when President Johnson adopted the inspirational words of the Civil Rights Movement and told a Joint Session of Congress that in the struggle against racial injustice, “We shall overcome.”  Now, the American people heard words that surprised them for a very different reason:

Believing this as I do, I have concluded that I should not permit the Presidency to become involved in the partisan divisions that are developing in this political year.

With America’s sons in the fields far away, with America’s future under challenge right here at home, with our hopes and the world’s hopes for peace in the balance every day, I do not believe that I should devote an hour or a day of my time to any personal partisan causes or to any duties other than the awesome duties of this office — the Presidency of your country.

Accordingly, I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President.

But let men everywhere know, however, that a strong, confident, and a vigilant America stands ready tonight to seek an honorable peace — and stands ready tonight to defend an honorable cause — whatever the price, whatever the burden, whatever the sacrifice that duty may require.

Thank you for listening.  Good night and God bless all of you.

In the days following LBJ’s withdrawal from the 1968 campaign, the President seemed to feel refreshed and his approval ratings increased, but the mood darkened once again on April 4th when Dr. King was assassinated.  Robert F. Kennedy, one of the Democrats who jumped into the fray and sought the party’s Presidential nomination following Johnson’s withdrawal, was killed two months later.  As the Democratic National Convention approached — an event which was marred by violence in the streets of Chicago between Chicago police and demonstrators — Johnson privately hoped that his troubled political party might turn to him and draft him as the nominee. He didn’t know if he would accept it, but as always, Lyndon Johnson wanted to be wanted.  Instead, the Democrats nominated Johnson’s Vice President, Hubert H. Humphrey, who lost the election in November to Richard Nixon.

Was LBJ’s withdrawal from the 1968 campaign a self-sacrificial act on behalf of his party and country in order to focus on the job at hand?  No, of course not.  It’s no secret that Johnson, as Commander-in-Chief of a tremendously unpopular war, was himself tremendously unpopular.  Few people had better political instincts than Lyndon B. Johnson, and he could certainly read and understand approval polls. 

LBJ was certainly spooked by the results of the Democratic primary in New Hampshire on March 12, 1968.  Although LBJ won the primary with 49%, Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota won 42%.  Prior to the New Hampshire primary, there were no Democrats willing to challenge LBJ for the nomination.  McCarthy’s showing led RFK to enter the race, even though he had previously declined to run.  Facing a challenge for the Democratic nomination probably was a factor in LBJ’s decision to withdraw from the race, but I don’t think it wasn’t the main reason.

As LBJ suggested in his withdrawal speech, a general re-election campaign takes a President away from his duties, but having to beat back a challenge for his own party’s nomination would require even more campaigning.  Still, a politician with LBJ’s experience and an incumbent President with the advantages of a built-in political team, massive war chest, and nominal control of all aspects of the Democratic Party (the President is always the head of his political party) would be a tough opponent for any challenger within the party to overcome.  I think LBJ would have won the nomination (and relished a chance to defeat Bobby Kennedy), and a general election battle between LBJ and Richard Nixon probably would have gone LBJ’s way.  Hubert Humphrey nearly beat Nixon despite his relatively low-profile and without the advantages of Presidential incumbency that Lyndon Johnson would have possessed.

So, the political challenges were a factor, and the determination to focus on the troubles gripping the nation were a factor, but I believe the main reason for Lyndon Johnson’s decision to withdraw from the 1968 campaign and not seek re-election was his health.

In every campaign that Lyndon Johnson ever participated in — dating back to his first bid for Congress in 1937 — he worked so hard that he became sick.  Johnson, who suffered a massive heart attack that nearly killed him in 1955, was convinced that he would not live long.  According to Leo Janos in The Atlantic, LBJ didn’t think he would survive another term.  ”The men in the Johnson family have a history of dying young,” he told Janos in 1971, two years after leaving office.  ”My daddy was only 62 when he died, and I figured that with my history of heart trouble I’d never live through another four years.”

Johnson also told Janos, “The American people had enough of Presidents dying in office.”  As someone who succeeded an assassinated President and who saw Warren G. Harding and Franklin D. Roosevelt (who “was like a daddy to me” according to LBJ) die in office, a weakened or incapacitated President resonated deeply within Johnson.  He spoke often to aides about how one of his biggest fears was ending up like Woodrow Wilson who was crippled by a stroke in 1919 and spent the last two years of his Presidency as an invalid.  When she was young and a member of the White House Fellows program, Doris Kearns Goodwin was an aide to LBJ and, in retirement, helped him complete his Presidential memoir, The Vantage Point: Perspectives on the Presidency, 1963-1969.  In her own book about LBJ, Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream — a book in which a far more candid LBJ emerges — Kearns Goodwin writes about how deeply the Wilson nightmare truly haunted Johnson:

Hating the days, Johnson hated the nights even more.  He began dreaming again the dream of paralysis that had haunted him since early childhood.  Only this time he was lying in a bed in the Red Room of the White House, instead of sitting in a chair in the middle of the open plains.  His head was still his, but from the neck down his body was the thin, paralyzed body that had been the affliction of both Woodrow Wilson and his own grandmother in their final years.  All his Presidential assistants were in the next room.  He could hear them actively fighting with one another to divide up his power: Joe Califano wanted the legislative program; Walt Rostow wanted the decisions on foreign policy; Arthur Okun wanted to formulate the budget; and George Christian wanted to handle relations with the public.  He could hear them, but he could not command them, for he could neither talk nor walk.  He was sick and stilled, but not a single aide tried to protect him.

The dream terrified Johnson, waking from his sleep.  Lying in the dark, he could find no peace until he got out of bed, and, by the light of a small flashlight, walked the halls of the White House to the place where Woodrow Wilson’s portrait hung.  He found something soothing in the act of touching Wilson’s picture; he could sleep again.  He was still Lyndon Johnson, and he was still alive and moving; it was Woodrow Wilson who was dead.  The ritual, however, brought little lasting peace; when morning came, Johnson’s mind was again filled with fears.  Only gradually did he recognize the resemblance between this dream and the stampede dream of his boyhood.  Making the connection, his fears intensified; he was certain now that paralysis was his inevitable fate.  Remembering his family’s history of early strokes, he convinced himself that he, too, would suffer a stroke in his next term.  Immobilized, still in office nominally, yet not actually in control: this seemed to Johnson the worst situation imaginable.  He could not rid himself of the suspicion that a mean God had set out to torture him in the cruelest manner possible.  His suffering now no longer consisted of his usual melancholy; it was an acute throbbing pain, and he craved relief.  More than anything he wanted peace and quiet.  An end to the pain.

It was thoughts and feelings like these that led Lyndon Johnson to make his famous speech 45 years ago tonight.  It sounds crazy and seems insane that the power-hungry, power-loving Lyndon Johnson would allow himself to be chased out of office by a fear of death.  But Lyndon Johnson thought he would die at the age of 64 and Lyndon Johnson was worried he wouldn’t survive another term.  That term would have ended on January 20, 1973.

Lyndon Johnson died on January 22, 1973.  He was 64.

I am proud and excited to share with everyone the cover to my new book, TRIBUTES AND TRASH TALK: What Our Presidents Said About Each Other, which will be available this week on Amazon.

I’m also incredibly fortunate to have had the immensely talented and all-around amazing Betsy Dye design the cover, which is beyond anything I could have imagined, let alone created myself.  Betsy’s on Tumblr and currently putting together her graphic design website portfolio.  Artistically, she is a magician.  Betsy also happens to be the personification of the words “lovely” and “awesome”.

More to come this week as we approach the release date of TRIBUTES AND TRASH TALK!

It is a question that many ask me; a question I often ask myself — why have I spent so much of my life and devoted so much of my time to studying the Presidents of the United States and the Presidency itself?  With all of the figures and events throughout all of the eras of history, what is it that always brings me back to this one political office that is a relatively new creation in the grand scheme of things?  Why is it that I always move past the Kings, Queens, and Emperors; Pharaohs, Popes, and Prophets; Saints, Sinners, and great Soldiers, and end up focusing on the same 43 Americans?

Perhaps it is the fact that when we are children, Americans are led to believe that any of us can grow up to be President.  It’s an inspirational tale, and one that seems to fade as we get older and more cynical.  We see that the political system is not the open path that we were promised when we were in grade school.  We see that money seems to drive political success and that the opportunity to become President is a reality only to those with famous names, famous fathers, and famously full bank accounts.  As children, the Presidency is attainable to any of us, but the cynicism that comes along with maturity forces us to close those doors on ourselves and treat that promise as a myth like Santa Claus or the Easter Bunny.

Yet, the magic returns if we look more closely at history.  If the Presidency was only open to those who were rich or those who had golden names the White House would feature more busts of Rockefellers, Astors, or Vanderbilts.  We think of dynasties like the Kennedys or the Bushes and tend to paint their portraits with the tint of nepotism.  Then we look closely and see that John F. Kennedy fought and nearly died for his country in World War II, but had to convince many Americans that he was loyal to the Constitution instead of the Pope simply because no other President had gone to the same church as his family.  We see that George W. Bush — often portrayed as an intellectually incurious playboy who never earned anything on his own — earned degrees from Harvard and Yale and transformed himself from the restive black sheep of his family to a strictly disciplined machine who never lost an election for an executive office.

Even if you do argue that the Kennedys or the Bushes had an advantage due to their wealth or place in society, take a look at the other Presidents of the past half-century:  Lyndon Johnson came from a dirt-poor family on the dusty banks of the Pedernales River in Texas and taught school at a one-room schoolhouse in a poverty-stricken town of Mexican-Americans; Richard Nixon’s family was ravaged by tuberculosis on their failing lemon farm in Southern California; Gerald Ford’s biological father was so abusive that his mother left him just two weeks after the future President’s birth; Jimmy Carter grew up on a peanut farm in rural Georgia; Ronald Reagan was born to an alcoholic shoe salesman in a rented apartment above a small-town Illinois bakery; Bill Clinton’s father died before he was born and he grew up in a household with an abusive stepfather; and Barack Obama was born in Hawaii to a white mother and a Kenyan father who he only met a handful of times.  Cynicism blinds us to the truth:  anyone really can grow up to be President.

See, the Presidency isn’t solely about ideals or politics — it’s about people.  It’s about Americans.  A President cannot succeed if he is only the President of his party; he must be the President of all the people, or else he fails.  Once he repeats the 35 words in the Oath of Office, he becomes not only a head of state or a head of government — he becomes a symbol, both in his time and in history.  The President isn’t referred to as the most powerful person in the world because it sounds cool; the President has the ability to immediately change the world not only by what he says, but by how he says it.  No one has ever had that much power or influence because the President of the United States has developed into the most powerful individual on the planet at the same time that it has become easier to instantly communicate throughout the world.

And despite all of that, what really makes the President fascinating is the simple fact that it is just one person.  Since George Washington was first inaugurated on April 30, 1789, there have only been 43 Americans who have experienced the immensity of the Presidency and faced it with only the same skills and tools that every other human uses for their jobs each day.  These men are not superheroes, nor are they villains.  They are responsible for great achievements and momentous accomplishments, but more often than not, they falter.  Sometimes, they fail us because the challenges are too difficult to overcome.  Sometimes, they make honest mistakes.  Sometimes, they make dishonest choices.  They make us proud and they disappoint us.

We often make the mistake of downplaying the ability of humanity.  We excuse ourselves or defend our failures by noting that we “are only human” — as if our status as the most advanced being to ever live is somehow not enough; as if we succeed by accident in spite of ourselves rather than because of our unique capabilities.  I do not see humanity as a fragility, yet I believe we frequently overlook the fact that our Presidents are, first and foremost, people.  They have families and weaknesses to balance out and sometimes overtake their strengths.  They are fathers and sons and husbands and brothers and friends.  They are placed at the helm of a living, breathing, untamed nation and we want them to guide us through whatever storms we may face.  We want them to help make our lives easier, but we tend to forget that they are living their lives, as well.  They are people.  People charged with a great task that only their fellow Presidents — the fellow members of what Bob Greene calls “the most exclusive fraternity in the history of the world” — can truly fathom.

We look at our Presidents — and all of our political leaders, really — and we see people who we put in office to work miracles.  They know what they are getting into when they run for President, but their sacrifices are often overlooked.  When they do not triumph, we are merciless in our condemnation.  They understand this and they accept this, but we don’t thank them nearly enough.  We expect so much out of them because we have placed them in such a high position.  Yes, it is a position that they asked to be entrusted with, but we often have unrealistic expectations and require immediate satisfaction. 

As Robert Ardrey famously wrote in African Genesis, “We were born of risen apes, not fallen angels, and the apes were armed killers besides.  And so what shall we wonder at?  Our murders and massacres and  missiles, and our irreconcilable regiments?  Or our treaties whatever they may be worth; our symphonies however seldom they may be played; our peaceful acres, however frequently they may be converted into battlefields; our dreams however rarely they may be accomplished.  The miracle of man is not how far he has sunk but how magnificently he has risen.  We are known among the stars by our poems, not our corpses.”

It is easy — too easy — to denounce our Presidents, especially if the little letter next to their name identifies them as belonging to a political party that is opposite to ours.  I am guilty of it.  You are guilty of it.  That will never change.  And on this day — Presidents Day — it is easy to recognize the Presidents who are the reason behind Presidents Day being observed in February, George Washington and Abraham Lincoln.  What we should try to do on this day, however, is to appreciate all of our Presidents.  All 43 men who made the ultimate sacrifice that comes from putting your entire life through the trial that is a Presidential campaign.  No President has ever sworn to uphold the Constitution and entered into office with bad intentions.  Not a single Commander-in-Chief moves into the White House so that he could leave the United States worse off than when he assumed office.  Their service may not please everybody.  Their service may not please anybody.  But it is service.  It is the fulfillment of a duty entrusted to few Americans and rarely appreciated by enough Americans.

In America and Americans, John Steinbeck described the unusual dynamic between the President and the American people in one of the most perfect paragraphs ever written on the subject:

“The President must be greater than anyone else, but not better than anyone else.  We subject him and his family to close and constant scrutiny and denounce them for things that we ourselves do every day.  A Presidential slip of the tongue, a slight error in judgment — social, political, or ethical — can raise a storm of protest.  We give the President more work than a man can do, more responsibility than a man should take, more pressure than a man can bear.  We abuse him often and rarely praise him.  We wear him out, use him up, eat him up.  And with all this, Americans have a love for the President that goes beyond loyalty or party nationality; he is ours, and we exercise the right to destroy him.”

We can  — and WILL — focus on the failures of our Presidents every other day.  It is one of the beautiful aspects of our nation — the freedom to be ugly towards others.  I don’t write that facetiously and I don’t mean to come across as overly righteous.  I am as guilty, if not more, as any other critic or cynical historian.  But it is Presidents Day and while I am constantly reading and writing about the Presidents, I rarely take the opportunity to offer my gratitude and appreciation for their service, whether they are Democrats, Republicans, Federalists, or Whigs.

So, today I say thank you to a Virginian with regal bearing who led his nation through a risky rebellion against the world’s most powerful empire and turned down the title of King in favor of simply becoming “Citizen”.  I thank a portly and stubborn man from Massachusetts whose integrity set a standard for honesty in government.  I thank the dreamer in Monticello whose words gave beauty to the the normally bloody work of revolution.  I thank the diminutive thinker from Virginia whose small stature belied the fact that his Constitution gave his country a foundation, a backbone.  I thank his Tidewater neighbor who nearly died fighting for independence and set forth the doctrine which forever established the United States as a global power.

I thank John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson — political enemies, but Americans who entered into the service of their country as teenagers and died while still providing guidance as old men.  I thank Martin Van Buren for ensuring that there was an art to American politics.  I thank William Henry Harrison whose brief Presidency overshadowed decades of military service on the frontier.  I thank John Tyler for his decisive succession upon Harrison’s death, which created a blueprint to answer an otherwise murky Constitutional question.  I thank James K. Polk for honesty and an unparalleled work ethic.  I thank Zachary Taylor for selflessly attempting to block the evils of slavery before his untimely death.  I thank Millard Fillmore for his advocacy of literacy and his work to calm the sectional storms.  I thank Franklin Pierce for his attention to duty in the face of horrific personal tragedy.  I thank James Buchanan for fifty years of service to his country, often overseas.

Appreciation for Abraham Lincoln is not hard to find, and I’m not going out on a limb for thanking him for preserving the Union that I live in today.  I thank Andrew Johnson for his unmatched loyalty — the only Southern Senator to remain committed to the Union.  I thank General Grant for the tenacity and fearlessness in fighting the Civil War.  I thank Rutherford B. Hayes for an honest Presidency and a decorated military career.  I thank James Garfield for his energy and grieve for what might have been if not for an assassin’s bullet.  I thank Chester Arthur for transforming himself into a reformer.  I thank Grover Cleveland for never giving up.  I thank Benjamin Harrison for proudly representing his country and his family of patriots.  I thank William McKinley for his generosity and kindness.  I thank Theodore Roosevelt for being an inspiration in so many ways.

On this Presidents Day, I thank William Howard Taft for his sense of justice.  I thank Woodrow Wilson for his patience.  I thank Warren G. Harding for his eloquence and openness.  I thank Calvin Coolidge for his conservatism.  I thank Herbert Hoover for his ingenuity and enterprise.  I thank Franklin D. Roosevelt for helping to save the world from genuine evil.  I thank Harry Truman for his straightforward leadership.  I thank General Eisenhower for making sure our grandfathers were given everything they needed.  I thank John F. Kennedy for opening the New Frontier.

I thank Lyndon B. Johnson for freeing Americans from bondage — not just African-Americans, but ALL Americans.  I thank Richard Nixon for a full life of service that didn’t begin and end with Watergate.  I thank Gerald Ford for helping us heal.  I thank Jimmy Carter for his humanitarianism.  I thank Ronald Reagan for communicating in a way that made us feel safe.  I thank George H.W. Bush for over 50 years of honest, underrated service.  I thank Bill Clinton for stability and growth.  I thank George W. Bush for the moment with the bullhorn on the rubble.  I thank Barack Obama for once again giving me hope and making me believe.

Yes, I thank all of the Presidents.  Good and bad, effective and ineffective, legendary and unknown, Democrat and Republican and Federalist and Whig.  In the future they will make us proud and they will disappoint us, but I’ll continue stocking my shelves with books that they write and which are written about them.  I’ll continue hoping for the perfect President to appear.  I’ll continue writing about them, complaining about them, supporting them, and trying to understand them.  And through it all, I hope there are days like Presidents Day where I stop myself and try to remember to appreciate them.  I hope that I don’t just wait until those sad days when we gather as a nation to bury them.  If I can do anything with my writings, I hope it will be to do more than simply educate readers on what these Presidents did or did not accomplish.  I hope that I can somehow illuminate who they were as people because that is where the true greatness is in our leaders.  And, really, when push comes to shove, that is the appeal of any history.  Once you sift through the bold-faced names, italicized quotes, romantic locations, important dates, and memorable events you find — at the heart of all history — stories about people.

Happy Presidents Day.

Asker mikeysaur Asks:
Hello Anthony. I'm a senior in high school and we are required to learn the Presidents in order for my AP US History class. I was wondering if you had any tips on remember the Presidents in order?
deadpresidents deadpresidents Said:

Honestly, I don’t know of any mnemonic devices or helpful tips for memorizing the Presidents in order.  To be completely truthful, I don’t think there’s a whole lot of use for simply remembering them in order.  I’d rather have students understand the office of the Presidency and recognize important Presidents and what they did or why they matter.  I mean, I love reading about the guy, but there’s not much you need to know about Franklin Pierce other than he sucked and helped drive the country closer to Civil War.  John Quincy Adams was a mesmerizing character and his life is full of interesting stories, but for the four years he was President, he didn’t give us much.

I am fortunate enough to have a really good memory for dates, so I probably memorized the Presidents by matching them to the dates they were in office and just establishing it in my brain that way.  I’m sure that there are some helpful hints out there somewhere, but I learned them the old-fashioned way — by obsessing over them for years. 

(By the way, just to brag, I can do the Vice Presidents in order now, too.  I had been trying to memorize them for years, but always had trouble with — unsurprisingly — the Gilded Age Vice Presidents, particularly the stretch of Wilson-Wheeler-Arthur-Hendricks-Morton-Stevenson.  For me, the trick was finally learning Cleveland’s two Vice Presidents and that helped everything else fall into place.  Nobody is still reading this, are they?)

Asker amandamaea Asks:
A couple weeks ago, I was watching an episode of Q&A on C-SPAN featuring Richard Norton Smith and Douglas Brinkley (http://www.q-and-a.org/Program/index.asp?ProgramID=1310), wherein they discussed President Obama's "Off the Record" dinners with historians. Though it was off the record, Brinkley noted that they mostly conversed relating to the president's interest in presidential history and the legacy of the white house.
My question is, how important do you think a president's interest in history, and ability to look at his position from a historical perspective is to his success as a president?
deadpresidents deadpresidents Said:

I think it’s important but not imperative.  I would hope that my President studies his predecessors and understands how they used and abused the Presidency.  Presidential power is a very strange thing.  It’s definition and capacity evolves constantly, so I believe that the first step towards an effective Administration is understanding the office.

I know that Obama has an interest in Presidential history, and Bill Clinton had a huge interest in it.  I think, to an extent, Bush 43 did, as well.  Nixon was well-versed in Presidential history, as was Johnson and Kennedy. 

I’m studying this from the outside.  I can’t even imagine what it must be like for a President to study Presidential history or individuals that were his predecessors and think, “Holy crap, that’s the job I have.”